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Preferred Citation: Watson, Rubie S. In her autobiography, published inHsieh Ping-ying described her parents as having traditional attitudes about marriage. They had betrothed her as an infant to the son of a prominent and well-to-do family. Both her father and mother considered the fulfillment of this agreement essential to their family's honor.

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A family head need not make similar matches for each daughter; in one case he may seek useful affines, in another emphasize the financial considerations, in a third think first of his daughter's welfare. Jackson C.

Secondary wives were acquired through a form of sororal polygyny Granet ; Feng ; Ruey Intelligent robust control for uncertain transfer functions with sliding mode Prof. Chang's "framework of bilateral cross-cousin marriage" is based on this interpretation of these locabut he seeks to break new ground by showing that emphasis was placed on unilateral MBD marriages.

Wright and Denis Twitchett.

Property, again, could never have been a trivial consideration in elite marriages, but the amounts involved seem to have become a particular concern in the T'ang-Sung period, and changes in the nature and direction of transfers were complexly associated with commercialization sluf increased competition for elite status. Taken together, the three chapters on elite marriage show us three sides of marriage and also three points in time. Dennerline, Jerry.

Interactive physically-based modeling for gaseous object using Smoothed particle hydrodynamics Suriyong Lertkulvanich. Whereas the Ch'ing adopted the traditional Han Chinese ritual code for wedding ceremonies, they did not adopt other, perhaps more fundamental, elements of Han marriage practices. Watson, Rubie S. Much was said about domestic family relations, including the relationships of husbands and wives, the social relationships of agnat.

Another important function for a secondary wife was to assume the role, but not the status, of the primary wife in the event of her death.

Freedman ; Baker Inequality has not been a neglected topic in Chinese studies. Mann, Susan.

In this regard attention is given to the hierarchy of women in the ruler's household and to wedding rituals, marriage rules, and patterns of intermarriage. Patrilineages were segmentary, socially stratified organizations Chang These women, called ying in Ghinese, are referred to here as secondary wives. This table does not include wives obtained through marriages that were contracted by a ducal son prior to his installation as ruler because such wives do not seem to have had the status of fu-jen.

Connections, including affinal connections, provided ways Lady wants casual sex Spiro get around many obstacles to advancement and influence; as seen throughout this volume such ties were regularly used by elite men at the local, regional, and national level.

Crosscutting these political inequalities were social, economic, and geographic ones. Chia-Sheng Tsai. In Goody's model, transmitting property through women is linked to strong social ties among affines. Certainly the buying and selling of concubines and prostitutes were common features of Chinese society for many centuries Ebrey After marriage, wives' dowries were given some protection from the members of the larger family into which the woman had married, but less from their husbands.

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From classical times on, marriages involved transfers of property ih betrothal gifts and often also dowry. Marcus Karnan. Given the many continuities in Chinese marriage practices, these studies provide considerable insight into earlier periods. To a peasant family, a daughter was worth so much as a bride, so much as a maid, so much as a prostitute. Strong dynasties seem never to have encouraged the highest-ranking families to marry with each other either by providing incentives or by asserting the moral desirability of such matches.

The groom either sent a representative [13] or went himself [14] to fetch the bride from her home.

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Stacey, Judith. By contrast, Hilary Beattie showed that the two most prominent lineages of T'ung-ch'eng in Ch'ing times intermarried for five generations, Yao women providing a sltu of the wives of Chang men in several lines for two or three generations in a row Third, marriage exchanges tended not to be sslut, particularly from the perspective of lineage as opposed to clan. Laws on family property, divorce, exogamy, incest, bigamy, adultery, and rape shaped the marriage practices of men and women in all social classes.

Many people have to sell their fields and their property to prepare a trousseau for their daughters.

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Most were reduced, however, to hunghsingchab or lower status. Gender inferiority is clearly manifest in the marriages I describe below. When the bride's family used the betrothal gifts it received to prepare the dowry, the gifts from the man's family that eventually became dowry can be referred to as indirect dowry. Freedman, Maurice. Chaffee, John W.

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In this book he also analyzes concubinage and the inequality in the household created by an unbalanced marriage exchange i. They also affected their children's status in the key event in the corporate life of state and lineage; namely, the selection of heirs and successors. Chichyang Chen. Recurrent features can be explained, she argues, by the conjunction of the basic Chinese marriage system—monogamy, surname exogamy, women's continuing links to their natal families, and filial piety—on the one hand, with the unique requirements of succession to the throne by a single heir on the other.